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Michael Shannon as James A. Garfield in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix Photo Credit: Netflix

The assassination of James A. Garfield is one of the most consequential yet strangely overlooked events in American political history. When people discuss presidential assassinations, the names that typically dominate the conversation are Abraham LincolnJohn F. Kennedy, and sometimes William McKinley. Garfield’s assassination, however, rarely receives the same attention despite its enormous impact on American government reform.

Yet Garfield’s death in 1881 reshaped the federal government, accelerated civil service reform, and exposed dangerous flaws in both American politics and nineteenth-century medicine. The man who shot him, Charles J. Guiteau, was not merely a disgruntled citizen but a product of a deeply corrupt political system that rewarded loyalty with government jobs.

More disturbingly, Garfield did not die immediately from the gunshot wound. Instead, he lingered for 79 agonizing days, his condition worsened by doctors whose treatments likely doomed him. In this sense, Garfield’s assassination is not simply a story of political violence — it is also a story of delusion, entitlement, and medical catastrophe.

The front page of the Las Vegas Daily Gazette, July 3, 1881, announcing the shooting of U.S. Pres. James A. Garfield: “Garfield! Garfield Shot Twice by a Disappointed Office Seeker.” Las Vegas Daily Gazette. [Las Vegas, N.M.], 03 July 1881. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress.
Michael Shannon as James A. Garfield in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix

Understanding what happened to Garfield helps illuminate how America transitioned from patronage politics toward a more professional civil service system.

Charles J. Guiteau shooting President Garfield at the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad Station in Washington, D.C. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (LC-DIG-pga-02118)

Garfield’s Presidency: Reform, Not Stagnation


When James Garfield assumed the presidency in March 1881, the United States was still grappling with the political aftermath of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Garfield was not a career politician in the traditional sense. His background was remarkably diverse: he had been a teacher, a college president, a Union general during the Civil War, and a longtime member of Congress.

Brigadier General James A. Garfield in 1862 or 1863 Library of Congress
James Garfield: "We have seen the white men betray the flag and fight to kill the Union; but in all that long, dreary war we never saw a traitor in a black skin."

Garfield entered office at a time when American politics was dominated by factionalism within the Republican Party. Two major factions — the Stalwarts and the Half-Breeds — fought bitterly over control of federal patronage jobs. These jobs were distributed through what was known as the spoils system, a practice that rewarded political supporters with government positions regardless of merit.

Garfield attempted to chart a middle path between these factions while also challenging the entrenched patronage culture. His reformist instincts were particularly visible in a conflict over the powerful New York Customs House, which controlled a significant portion of federal patronage jobs.

Location: New York, New York Design & Construction: 1899-1907 [1899-1907 Irish-1999; 1899 Christen-2001] Architect: Cass Gilbert The design of the U.S. Custom House is Beaux-Arts. Its inspiration is derived from the Paris Opera House, the most important Beaux-Arts building of the period. It also fits squarely with the American Renaissance, which began with the 1893 Columbian Exposition and continued until World War I. The exterior ornament is lavish. Daniel Chester French sculpted the groups of the "Four Continents," but the interior decoration was added decades later and was not to the artistic level that Gilbert envisaged. Gunwald Aus was the engineer for the project. The selection of Gilbert as architect for the project caused even more controversy and furor than his selection as architect for the Minnesota State Capitol. The controversy began within the architectural profession and quickly spilled over in to the political arena. At the center of the storm was the manner in which the competition was designed. In 1893, Congress passed the Tarnsey Act. It allowed for a program by which architects in the private sector be given an opportunity to compete for the design of public buildings. The American Institute of Architects, which had supported the measure for nearly two decades, was delighted with its passage; however, politics became an obstacle to its implementation. It was not until the McKinley administration took office in 1897 and Lyman J. Gage was named Secretary of the Treasury that the act was implemented.[1] The U.S. Custom House was the first major competition under the Tarnsey Act. Twenty firms competed, and each of the firms was allowed to suggest two jury members. Both Gilbert's selections (Thomas R. Kimbell and Frank Miles Day) made the jury. The third member of the jury was James Knox Taylor, Gilbert's former partner. Taylor was Supervising Architect of the Treasury, a position that Gilbert assisted him to obtain two years earlier. The jury ranked seven firms in four classes. Carrere & Hastings and Gilbert were ranked together in the first class. Taylor voted during the process that selected the seven finalists, but he abstained from voting after the finalists were chosen. The competition essentially ended in a draw. Carrere & Hastings urged Gilbert join in proposing a new competition with an enlarged jury to judge the two finalists. They also suggested joining forces to build the project. Gilbert rejected both proposals. He didn't want to join forces because he wanted the project for himself, and he argued against a new jury because it would give politicians an opportunity to condemn the process, which could be the first step in throwing out the competition, not a rare experience for Gilbert. The jury, after requesting that the finalists further develop their designs and after meeting jointly and separately with the finalists, selected Gilbert. Gilbert's attorney, George C. Squires, must have been quite busy in the few weeks he worked on the Custom House competition, for he sent Gilbert a bill that was in excess of $5,000.[2] Today the building is owned by the federal General Services Administration and houses the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, and the U.S. Bankruptcy Court. . Notes After the Tarnsey Act was implemented, it ran almost concurrently with Taylor's administration of the supervising architect's office. Taylor resigned in June 1912, notifying Gilbert in a May letter that after the "Roosevelt raid," his allies were gone. The Tarnsey Act was repealed in August. Taylor went to MIT. He later headed the architecture department for a short time until he was replaced by Ralph Adams Cram in 1914. During his period at MIT, he served on the AIA's Committee on Conservation of Natural Resources with Gilbert and Glenn Brown. George Squires to CG, December 30,1899, Box: 16, Fldr.: Ill, MNHS-CGP.

Garfield nominated William H. Robertson to lead the customs office in New York, angering powerful political boss Roscoe Conkling, who had long controlled those appointments. The conflict escalated into a dramatic political showdown that forced Conkling to resign from the Senate in protest.

This confrontation revealed Garfield’s willingness to challenge the patronage machine. In other words, Garfield’s presidency was not one of passive stewardship — it was one that threatened entrenched political interests.

Senator Roscoe Conkling resigns from the Senate after his feud with Garfield.

Ironically, it was precisely this patronage culture that would contribute to the circumstances surrounding his assassination.

Cartoon from Puck titled: A Model Office Seeker “ I am a Lawyer, a Theologian and a Politician”- Charles J. Guiteau Library of Congress

Charles Guiteau: Delusion vs. Intent


The man who shot President Garfield, Charles Guiteau, was not a political conspirator or revolutionary. Instead, he was an unstable and deeply delusional individual who believed he deserved a diplomatic appointment for helping Garfield win the presidency.

Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix

Guiteau had spent years drifting between failed careers. He had attempted to become a lawyer, a preacher, and a political activist, but none of these pursuits succeeded. At one point he joined the utopian religious community led by John Humphrey Noyes, though he was eventually expelled for disruptive behavior.

John Humphrey Noyes (September 3, 1811 – April 13, 1886) was an American preacher, radical religious philosopher, and utopian socialist. He founded utopian communities at Putney, Vermont, Oneida, New York, and Wallingford, Connecticut, and is credited with coining the term "complex marriage".
Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix

In the 1880 presidential campaign, Guiteau wrote a speech titled “Garfield vs. Hancock.” Though he delivered it only a handful of times, he convinced himself that it had been instrumental in Garfield’s victory over Democratic candidate Winfield Scott Hancock.

Because of this imagined contribution, Guiteau believed Garfield owed him a diplomatic post — specifically the position of U.S. consul in Paris.

Michael Shannon as James A. Garfield in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix Photo Credit: Netflix
The American embassy, place de la Concorde. Paris (8th arrondissement).

For months, Guiteau visited the State Department and the White House repeatedly, demanding the appointment. Officials, including Secretary of State James G. Blaine, eventually dismissed him outright. Blaine reportedly told him never to return.

James Gillespie Blaine (January 31, 1830 – January 27, 1893) was an American statesman and Republican politician who represented Maine in the United States House of Representatives from 1863 to 1876, served as Speaker of the House from 1869 to 1875, and was a U.S. senator from 1876 to 1881. He served twice as Secretary of State, under presidents James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur in 1881, and under Benjamin Harrison from 1889 to 1892. Blaine was one of two secretaries of state to serve under three presidents, the other being Daniel Webster. He sought the Republican presidential nomination in 1876 and 1880, and received the nomination in 1884, narrowly losing the general election to Democratic nominee Grover Cleveland. Blaine was a prominent figure in the moderate faction of the Republican Party, known as the "Half-Breeds". Born in West Brownsville, Pennsylvania, Blaine moved to Maine after college, where he worked as a newspaper editor in Augusta before entering politics. Contemporary sources described him as an effective public speaker during an era when oratory was highly valued in American politics. He supported Abraham Lincoln and the Union cause during the American Civil War, and during Reconstruction he advocated for voting rights for former slaves while opposing some of the more punitive measures favored by Radical Republicans. His economic positions evolved from supporting high tariffs to favoring reduced tariffs and expanded international trade. Throughout his career, Blaine faced allegations of improper financial dealings with railroad companies, particularly concerning the Mulligan letters. While these allegations were never substantiated with conclusive evidence, they became a significant issue in his 1884 presidential campaign. As Secretary of State, Blaine advocated for expanded American involvement in international affairs, marking a shift from the more limited foreign policy approaches of previous decades. He promoted increased trade relationships, particularly with Latin American nations, and supported policies that came to be known as tariff reciprocity. His diplomatic approach emphasized American commercial interests and included support for territorial expansion in the Caribbean and Pacific regions. His foreign policy initiatives contributed to the development of more assertive American international engagement that would be further expanded during and after the Spanish–American War.
Bradley Whitford as James G. Blaine in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix

Guiteau interpreted this rejection not as a bureaucratic dismissal but as a betrayal of divine destiny. He convinced himself that God had ordered him to remove Garfield from office.

Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix

On July 2, 1881, Guiteau approached Garfield at the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad Station in Washington, D.C. As the president prepared to depart for a summer vacation, Guiteau fired two shots from a revolver. One bullet grazed Garfield’s arm. The other lodged deep in his back.

Garfield did not die that day. But the ordeal that followed would prove fatal.

The Spoils System and Political Entitlement


To understand Guiteau’s motives, it is essential to understand the political culture of the Gilded Age.

During the "Gilded Age," every man was a potential Andrew Carnegie, and Americans who achieved wealth celebrated it as never before. In New York, the opera, the theatre, and lavish parties consumed the ruling class' leisure hours. Sherry's Restaurant hosted formal horseback dinners for the New York Riding Club. Mrs. Stuyvesant Fish once threw a dinner party to honor her dog who arrived sporting a $15,000 diamond collar. While the rich wore diamonds, many wore rags. In 1890, 11 million of the nation's 12 million families earned less than $1200 per year; of this group, the average annual income was $380, well below the poverty line. Rural Americans and new immigrants crowded into urban areas. Tenements spread across city landscapes, teeming with crime and filth. Americans had sewing machines, phonographs, skyscrapers, and even electric lights, yet most people labored in the shadow of poverty. To those who worked in Carnegie's mills and in the nation's factories and sweatshops, the lives of the millionaires seemed immodest indeed. An economist in 1879 noted "a widespread feeling of unrest and brooding revolution." Violent strikes and riots wracked the nation through the turn of the century. The middle class whispered fearfully of "carnivals of revenge." For immediate relief, the urban poor often turned to political machines. During the first years of the Gilded Age, Boss Tweed's Tammany Hall provided more services to the poor than any city government before it, although far more money went into Tweed's own pocket. Corruption extended to the highest levels of government. During Ulysses S. Grant's presidency, the president and his cabinet were implicated in the Credit Mobilier, the Gold Conspiracy, the Whiskey Ring, and the notorious Salary Grab. Europeans were aghast. America may have had money and factories, they felt, but it lacked sophistication. When French prime minister Georges Clemenceau visited, he said the nation had gone from a stage of barbarism to one of decadence — without achieving any civilization between the two.

The spoils system — popularized during the presidency of Andrew Jackson—treated government positions as rewards for political loyalty. Campaign supporters expected appointments as compensation for their efforts.

Andrew Jackson (March 15, 1767 – June 8, 1845) was the seventh president of the United States from 1829 to 1837. He rose to fame as a U.S. Army general and served in both houses of the U.S. Congress. His political philosophy, which dominated his presidency, became the basis for the rise of Jacksonian democracy. His legacy is controversial: he has been praised as an advocate for white working Americans and preserving the union of states, and criticized for his racist policies, particularly towards Native Americans. Jackson was born in the colonial Carolinas before the American Revolutionary War. He became a frontier lawyer and married Rachel Donelson. He briefly served in the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate, representing Tennessee. After resigning, he served as a justice on the Tennessee Superior Court from 1798 to 1804. He purchased a plantation later known as the Hermitage, becoming a wealthy planter who profited off the forced labor of hundreds of enslaved African Americans during his lifetime. In 1801, he was appointed colonel of the Tennessee militia and was elected its commander. He led troops during the Creek War of 1813–1814, winning the Battle of Horseshoe Bend and negotiating the Treaty of Fort Jackson that required the indigenous Creek (Mvskoke) population to surrender vast tracts of the present-day U.S. states of Alabama and Georgia. In the concurrent war against the British, Jackson's victory at the Battle of New Orleans in 1815 made him a national hero. He later commanded United States forces during the First Seminole War against the Seminoles (Semvnole) and other allied Native groups. This campaign was one of the factors that prompted Spain to negotiate the cession of Florida to the United States, which was finalized in the Adams–Onís Treaty of 1819, in exchange for United States renunciation of territorial claims. He briefly served as Florida's first territorial governor before returning to the Senate. He ran for president in 1824. He won a plurality of the popular and electoral vote, but no candidate won the electoral majority. With the help of Henry Clay, the House of Representatives elected John Quincy Adams as president. Jackson's supporters alleged that there was a "corrupt bargain" between Adams and Clay (who joined Adams' cabinet) and began creating a new political coalition that became the Democratic Party in the 1830s. Jackson ran again in 1828, defeating Adams in a landslide victory despite issues such as his slave trading and his "irregular" marriage. In 1830, he signed the Indian Removal Act. This act, which has been described as ethnic cleansing, displaced tens of thousands of Native Americans from their ancestral homelands east of the Mississippi River. It resulted in thousands of deaths in what has become known as the Trail of Tears. Jackson faced a challenge to the integrity of the federal union when South Carolina threatened to nullify a high protective tariff set by the federal government. He threatened the use of military force to enforce the tariff, but the crisis was defused when it was amended. In 1832, he vetoed a bill by Congress to reauthorize the Second Bank of the United States, viewing the Bank as a fourth branch of government run by the elite. After a lengthy struggle, the Bank was dismantled. In 1835, Jackson became the only U.S. president to pay off the national debt. After leaving office, he supported the presidencies of Martin Van Buren and James K. Polk, as well as the annexation of Texas. Opinions about Jackson are often polarized. Supporters characterize him as a defender of democracy and the U.S. Constitution, while critics point to his reputation as a demagogue who ignored the law when it suited him. Scholarly rankings of U.S. presidents historically rated his presidency as above average. However, in the late 20th century his reputation declined, and in the 21st century his placement in rankings of presidents has fallen.
The spoils system — popularized during the presidency of Andrew Jackson—treated government positions as rewards for political loyalty. Campaign supporters expected appointments as compensation for their efforts.

By the late nineteenth century, this system had created an environment where thousands of job seekers flooded Washington after every election. Guiteau was not unique in believing he deserved a government position. What made him unusual was the extremity of his entitlement.

In his mind, Garfield’s refusal to grant him a diplomatic post was not merely disappointing — it was unjust. He interpreted political patronage as a personal right rather than a privilege.

Michael Shannon as James A. Garfield in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Matthew Macfadyen as Charles J. Guiteau in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix Photo Credit: Netflix

In court, Guiteau famously insisted:

“I did not kill the President. The doctors killed him.”

A sense of having been wronged, together with a warped idea of political duty, brought Charles Julius Guiteau to the Baltimore and Potomac Station in Washington on July 2, 1881. On that same Saturday morning, President James Abram Garfield strode into the station to catch the 9:30 A.M. limited express, which was to take him to the commencement ceremonies of his alma mater, Williams College--and from there, Garfield planned to head off on a much-awaited vacation. He never made the 9:30. Within seconds of entering the station, Garfield was felled by two of Guiteau's bullets, the opening act in what would be a drama that included rising and then falling hopes for the President's recovery, the most celebrated insanity trial of the century and, finally, civil service reform that backers hoped might discourage future disappointed patronage seekers from taking revengeful actions. Charles Guiteau Charles Guiteau's unhappy childhood began in Freeport, Illinois in September 1841. His mother, who suffered from psychosis, died shortly after Charles's seventh birthday. He was raised, for the most part, by his older sister, "Franky"--with some help from his stepmother following the remarriage of his father when Charles was twelve. He had speech difficulties and probably also suffered from what today would be called "attention deficit disorder." His brother recalled his father offering Charles a dime if he could keep his hands and feet still for five minutes; Charles was unable to collect on the offer. Despite the personal obstacles Guiteau faced, he is described by Charles Rosenberg, author of The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau, as becoming "a moral and enterprising young man." At age 18, he would tell his sister in a letter that his goal was to work hard and educate himself "physically, intellectually, and morally." During a lonely year in college in Ann Arbor, Guiteau took comfort in the theological writings of John Noyes, founder of the utopian Oneida Community in upstate New York which practiced what Noyes called "Bible Communism." Charles left Ann Arbor in 1860 and headed east to Oneida. After five years, Guiteau left the Community briefly to make a failed attempt at establishing the nation's first theocratic newspaper, the Daily Theocrat. He returned to Oneida for a year, spent twelve months back with family in Illinois, and then moved to New York City where a growing resentment of the Oneida Community would overtake him. Guiteau brought what can fairly be described as "a frivolous lawsuit" against the Community, demanding $9000 for his six years worth of work at Oneida. Noyes responded in affidavit by describing Guiteau in Oneida as "moody, self-conceited, unmanageable" and addicted to masturbation. Guiteau's attorney, soon realizing the case was a loser, dropped the cause, but Guiteau persisted in writing angry and threatening letters to the Community, blaming it for all of his personal problems, which included no family and no gainful employment. He sent letters to newspapers, the Attorney General in Washington, ministers, state officials, and everyone else he thought might aid in his professed goal of "wiping out" Oneida. In a letter to Charles's father, Luther Guiteau, John Noyes described Charles as "insane" and wrote that "I prayed for him last night as sincerely as I ever prayed for my own son, that is now in a Lunatic Asylum." Charles withdrew again to Illinois, where for a few years he eked out an existence as a debt collection attorney and managed to find a wife, Annie Bunn, a local librarian. He proved soon to be an abusive husband, locking Annie in a closet for hours, hitting and kicking her, and dragging her around the house by her hair. "I am your master," Guiteau would yell, "submit yourself to me." The marriage ended after five years. In the 1870s, Guiteau moved from place to place, from passion to passion. In 1872, while in New York collecting a bills from a few deadbeats to pay his own, he began to take an active interest in politics. His shady collection practices--including pocketing his commission without paying his client--landed him a short stay in a New York City jail. In 1875, he followed--until it died--a far-fetched dream of buying a small Chicago newspaper and turning it into an influential one by reprinting news from the New York Tribune, transmitted telegraphically to Chicago each day. When Charles's grand scheme collapsed, his father wrote of his son: "To my mind he is a fit subject for a lunatic asylum." By the late 1870s, Guiteau's obsession had become theology and he became an itinerant lecturer, billing himself as "a lawyer and theologian" (and, on one handbill, as "The Little Giant of the West"). His lectures--composed naked, according to his own account--were incoherent ramblings on the imminent end of the world and Christ's reappearance in Jerusalem in 70 A.D. In 1880, Guiteau adopted his final passion: politics. His cause became promoting the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party. In 1880, Republicans were split between the Stalwarts, who preferred to nominate Ulysses Grant for a third presidential term, and the Half-Breeds, reformers who favored the nomination of Maine Senator James G. Blaine. After delegates to the Republican convention in Chicago had cast 33 ballots, Grant led, but continued to fall just short of the majority needed for the nomination. On the 34th ballot, a move began for a darkhorse compromise candidate: James Garfield. By the 36th ballot, Garfield was the nominee. Having gotten most of his support from Half-Breeds, Garfield chose a Stalwart, Chester A. Arthur, as his running mate. Although Guiteau had written speeches in support of Grant, when Garfield became the nominee, Guiteau simply scratched Grant's name from his speech and substituted Garfield's. Guiteau became a frequent visitor to the Republican Party's campaign headquarters in New York City. He sought speaking roles, but was rebuffed by campaign officials--except for one engagement in New York where he was authorized to speak to a small number of black voters. He reprinted his speech entitled "Garfield vs. Hancock" (Hancock was the Democratic nominee for president), a cliche-filled stream of over-the-top arguments, including his suggestion that the election of Hancock was likely to produce a second civil war. In November, Garfield narrowly defeated Hancock, and Guiteau concluded that the ideas presented in his speech secured the Republican victory. On New Year's Eve 1880, Guiteau wrote Garfield asking for a diplomatic appointment and wishing the President-Elect a happy new year. After Garfield's inauguration in March 1881, Guiteau stepped up his campaign for a diplomatic post. He applied for posts as minister in Austria and consul general to Paris, and made the rounds between the White House and the State Department promoting his case. He bombarded Secretary of State James Blaine with letters, arguing it was his "rebel war claim idea" that "elected President Garfield" and that he deserved appointment as "a personal tribute" to his critical role in the recent campaign. He also wrote to Garfield, indicating in a May 10 letter: "I will see you about the Paris consulship tomorrow unless you happen to send in my name today." The Administration, unsurprising, grew tired of Guiteau's persistence. Secretary Blaine bluntly told Guiteau at the State Department on May 14: "Never bother me again about the Paris consulship so long as you live." Guiteau, without family and nearly penniless, grew increasing isolated and depressed. Shortly after his confrontation with Blaine, Guiteau decided that Garfield needed to be "removed." In June, Guiteau concluded the mission to remove Garfield fell to him and was in fact a "divine pressure." On June 15, using fifteen borrowed dollars, he purchased a snub-nosed, forty-five caliber revolver. The next day he wrote an "Address to the American People," making the case for Garfield's assassination. In his address, Guiteau accused Garfield of "the basest ingratitude to the Stalwarts" and said the president was on a course to "wreck the once grand old Republican party." Assassination, Guiteau wrote, was "not murder; it is a political necessity." He concluded, "I leave my justification to God and the American people."

This statement, though self-serving, reflected an unsettling truth. Garfield might have survived the attack if not for what happened next.

A sense of having been wronged, together with a warped idea of political duty, brought Charles Julius Guiteau to the Baltimore and Potomac Station in Washington on July 2, 1881. On that same Saturday morning, President James Abram Garfield strode into the station to catch the 9:30 A.M. limited express, which was to take him to the commencement ceremonies of his alma mater, Williams College--and from there, Garfield planned to head off on a much-awaited vacation. He never made the 9:30. Within seconds of entering the station, Garfield was felled by two of Guiteau's bullets, the opening act in what would be a drama that included rising and then falling hopes for the President's recovery, the most celebrated insanity trial of the century and, finally, civil service reform that backers hoped might discourage future disappointed patronage seekers from taking revengeful actions. Charles Guiteau Charles Guiteau's unhappy childhood began in Freeport, Illinois in September 1841. His mother, who suffered from psychosis, died shortly after Charles's seventh birthday. He was raised, for the most part, by his older sister, "Franky"--with some help from his stepmother following the remarriage of his father when Charles was twelve. He had speech difficulties and probably also suffered from what today would be called "attention deficit disorder." His brother recalled his father offering Charles a dime if he could keep his hands and feet still for five minutes; Charles was unable to collect on the offer. Despite the personal obstacles Guiteau faced, he is described by Charles Rosenberg, author of The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau, as becoming "a moral and enterprising young man." At age 18, he would tell his sister in a letter that his goal was to work hard and educate himself "physically, intellectually, and morally." During a lonely year in college in Ann Arbor, Guiteau took comfort in the theological writings of John Noyes, founder of the utopian Oneida Community in upstate New York which practiced what Noyes called "Bible Communism." Charles left Ann Arbor in 1860 and headed east to Oneida. After five years, Guiteau left the Community briefly to make a failed attempt at establishing the nation's first theocratic newspaper, the Daily Theocrat. He returned to Oneida for a year, spent twelve months back with family in Illinois, and then moved to New York City where a growing resentment of the Oneida Community would overtake him. Guiteau brought what can fairly be described as "a frivolous lawsuit" against the Community, demanding $9000 for his six years worth of work at Oneida. Noyes responded in affidavit by describing Guiteau in Oneida as "moody, self-conceited, unmanageable" and addicted to masturbation. Guiteau's attorney, soon realizing the case was a loser, dropped the cause, but Guiteau persisted in writing angry and threatening letters to the Community, blaming it for all of his personal problems, which included no family and no gainful employment. He sent letters to newspapers, the Attorney General in Washington, ministers, state officials, and everyone else he thought might aid in his professed goal of "wiping out" Oneida. In a letter to Charles's father, Luther Guiteau, John Noyes described Charles as "insane" and wrote that "I prayed for him last night as sincerely as I ever prayed for my own son, that is now in a Lunatic Asylum." Charles withdrew again to Illinois, where for a few years he eked out an existence as a debt collection attorney and managed to find a wife, Annie Bunn, a local librarian. He proved soon to be an abusive husband, locking Annie in a closet for hours, hitting and kicking her, and dragging her around the house by her hair. "I am your master," Guiteau would yell, "submit yourself to me." The marriage ended after five years. In the 1870s, Guiteau moved from place to place, from passion to passion. In 1872, while in New York collecting a bills from a few deadbeats to pay his own, he began to take an active interest in politics. His shady collection practices--including pocketing his commission without paying his client--landed him a short stay in a New York City jail. In 1875, he followed--until it died--a far-fetched dream of buying a small Chicago newspaper and turning it into an influential one by reprinting news from the New York Tribune, transmitted telegraphically to Chicago each day. When Charles's grand scheme collapsed, his father wrote of his son: "To my mind he is a fit subject for a lunatic asylum." By the late 1870s, Guiteau's obsession had become theology and he became an itinerant lecturer, billing himself as "a lawyer and theologian" (and, on one handbill, as "The Little Giant of the West"). His lectures--composed naked, according to his own account--were incoherent ramblings on the imminent end of the world and Christ's reappearance in Jerusalem in 70 A.D. In 1880, Guiteau adopted his final passion: politics. His cause became promoting the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party. In 1880, Republicans were split between the Stalwarts, who preferred to nominate Ulysses Grant for a third presidential term, and the Half-Breeds, reformers who favored the nomination of Maine Senator James G. Blaine. After delegates to the Republican convention in Chicago had cast 33 ballots, Grant led, but continued to fall just short of the majority needed for the nomination. On the 34th ballot, a move began for a darkhorse compromise candidate: James Garfield. By the 36th ballot, Garfield was the nominee. Having gotten most of his support from Half-Breeds, Garfield chose a Stalwart, Chester A. Arthur, as his running mate. Although Guiteau had written speeches in support of Grant, when Garfield became the nominee, Guiteau simply scratched Grant's name from his speech and substituted Garfield's. Guiteau became a frequent visitor to the Republican Party's campaign headquarters in New York City. He sought speaking roles, but was rebuffed by campaign officials--except for one engagement in New York where he was authorized to speak to a small number of black voters. He reprinted his speech entitled "Garfield vs. Hancock" (Hancock was the Democratic nominee for president), a cliche-filled stream of over-the-top arguments, including his suggestion that the election of Hancock was likely to produce a second civil war. In November, Garfield narrowly defeated Hancock, and Guiteau concluded that the ideas presented in his speech secured the Republican victory. On New Year's Eve 1880, Guiteau wrote Garfield asking for a diplomatic appointment and wishing the President-Elect a happy new year. After Garfield's inauguration in March 1881, Guiteau stepped up his campaign for a diplomatic post. He applied for posts as minister in Austria and consul general to Paris, and made the rounds between the White House and the State Department promoting his case. He bombarded Secretary of State James Blaine with letters, arguing it was his "rebel war claim idea" that "elected President Garfield" and that he deserved appointment as "a personal tribute" to his critical role in the recent campaign. He also wrote to Garfield, indicating in a May 10 letter: "I will see you about the Paris consulship tomorrow unless you happen to send in my name today." The Administration, unsurprising, grew tired of Guiteau's persistence. Secretary Blaine bluntly told Guiteau at the State Department on May 14: "Never bother me again about the Paris consulship so long as you live." Guiteau, without family and nearly penniless, grew increasing isolated and depressed. Shortly after his confrontation with Blaine, Guiteau decided that Garfield needed to be "removed." In June, Guiteau concluded the mission to remove Garfield fell to him and was in fact a "divine pressure." On June 15, using fifteen borrowed dollars, he purchased a snub-nosed, forty-five caliber revolver. The next day he wrote an "Address to the American People," making the case for Garfield's assassination. In his address, Guiteau accused Garfield of "the basest ingratitude to the Stalwarts" and said the president was on a course to "wreck the once grand old Republican party." Assassination, Guiteau wrote, was "not murder; it is a political necessity." He concluded, "I leave my justification to God and the American people."

How Medical Malpractice Prolonged Garfield’s Death


After the shooting, Garfield was treated by a team of physicians led by Willard Bliss. Unfortunately, nineteenth-century medical practices — and Bliss’s stubborn leadership — likely turned a survivable wound into a fatal one. The bullet lodged behind Garfield’s pancreas but did not immediately threaten vital organs. Modern medical analysis suggests that the wound itself was not necessarily fatal.

The real danger came from infection.

Doctor Willard Bliss[a] (August 18, 1825 – February 21, 1889) was an American physician and pseudo-expert in ballistic trauma, who treated President of the United States James A. Garfield after his shooting in July 1881 until his death two and a half months later.
After the shooting, Garfield was treated by a team of physicians led by Willard Bliss. Unfortunately, nineteenth-century medical practices — and Bliss’s stubborn leadership — likely turned a survivable wound into a fatal one. The bullet lodged behind Garfield’s pancreas but did not immediately threaten vital organs. Modern medical analysis suggests that the wound itself was not necessarily fatal. The real danger came from infection.
Željko Ivanek as Doctor Willard Bliss in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix

Doctors repeatedly inserted unsterilized fingers and instruments into Garfield’s wound while attempting to locate the bullet. This occurred at a time when the germ theory of disease — pioneered by Louis Pasteur and Joseph Lister — was gaining acceptance in Europe but had not yet been widely adopted in the United States.

As a result, Garfield developed severe infections that spread throughout his body.

Louis Pasteur (/ˈluːi pæˈstɜːr/, French: [lwi pastœʁ] ⓘ; 27 December 1822 – 28 September 1895) was a French chemist, pharmacist, and microbiologist renowned for his discoveries of the principles of vaccination, microbial fermentation, and pasteurization, the last of which was named after him. His research in chemistry led to remarkable breakthroughs in the understanding of the causes and preventions of diseases, which laid down the foundations of hygiene, public health and much of modern medicine.[3] Pasteur's works are credited with saving millions of lives through the developments of vaccines for rabies and anthrax. He is regarded as one of the founders of modern bacteriology and has been honored as the "father of bacteriology"[4] and the "father of microbiology"[5][6] (together with Robert Koch;[7][8] the latter epithet also attributed to Antonie van Leeuwenhoek).[9] Pasteur was responsible for disproving the doctrine of spontaneous generation. Under the auspices of the French Academy of Sciences, his experiment demonstrated that in sterilized and sealed flasks, nothing ever developed; conversely, in sterilized but open flasks, microorganisms could grow.[10] For this experiment, the academy awarded him the Alhumbert Prize carrying 2,500 francs in 1862. Pasteur is also regarded as one of the fathers of the germ theory of diseases, which was a minor medical concept at the time.[11] His many experiments showed that diseases could be prevented by killing or stopping germs, thereby directly supporting the germ theory and its application in clinical medicine. He is best known to the general public for his invention of the technique of treating milk and wine to stop bacterial contamination, a process now called pasteurization. Pasteur also made significant discoveries in chemistry, most notably on the molecular basis for the asymmetry of certain crystals and racemization. Early in his career, his investigation of sodium ammonium tartrate initiated the field of optical isomerism. This work had a profound effect on structural chemistry, with eventual implications for many areas including medicinal chemistry. He was the director of the Pasteur Institute, established in 1887, until his death, and his body was interred in a vault beneath the institute. Although Pasteur made groundbreaking experiments, his reputation became associated with various controversies. Historical reassessment of his notebook revealed that he practiced deception to overcome his rivals.
French chemist and microbiologist Louis Pasteur made many important contributions to science, including the discovery that microorganisms cause fermentation and disease.
Joseph Lister, 1st Baron Lister, OM, PC, FRS, FRCSE, FRCPGlas, FRCS (5 April 1827 – 10 February 1912[1]) was an English surgeon, medical scientist, experimental pathologist and pioneer of antiseptic surgery[2] and preventive healthcare.[1] Lister revolutionised the craft of surgery by the use of close anatomical observation, in the same manner that John Hunter revolutionised the science of surgery.[3] From a technical viewpoint, Lister was not an exceptional surgeon,[2] but his research into bacteriology and infection in wounds revolutionised surgery throughout the world.[4] Lister's contributions were four-fold. Firstly, as a surgeon at the Glasgow Royal Infirmary, he introduced carbolic acid (modern-day phenol) as a steriliser for surgical instruments, patients' skins, sutures, surgeons' hands, and wards, promoting the principle of antiseptics. Secondly, he researched the role of inflammation and tissue perfusion in the healing of wounds. Thirdly, he advanced diagnostic science by analysing specimens using microscopes. Fourthly, he devised strategies to increase the chances of survival after surgery. His most important contribution, however, was recognising that putrefaction in wounds is caused by germs, in connection to Louis Pasteur's then-novel germ theory of fermentation.[a][6] Lister's work led to a reduction in post-operative infections and made surgery safer for patients, leading to him being distinguished as the "father of modern surgery".
Before the 1800s surgery was a risky business. In some London hospitals, the post-operative mortality rates were as high as 80%, and a mortality rate of 50% was considered acceptable. Operations were horrendous ordeals for the patients, with many dying on the table or shortly after from blood loss or post-operative shock. Those that were fortunate enough to survive the procedure then had to run the gauntlet of infection, and because of the limited understanding or how infection was spread at the time, the rates of sepsis were appallingly high. All this would change, however, with the pioneering work of Joseph Lister, the man who is now widely acknowledged as the ‘Father of Antiseptic Surgery’.

In a desperate attempt to locate the bullet, inventor Alexander Graham Bell constructed an early metal detector. Unfortunately, the device failed to locate the bullet, partly because Garfield lay on a mattress with metal springs that interfered with the signal.

Over the following weeks, Garfield endured fever, extreme weight loss, and repeated surgical interventions. By September 1881, his body was weakened beyond recovery. He died on September 19, 1881, seventy-nine days after the shooting. Guiteau’s claim that doctors had killed the president was not entirely wrong.

Modern historians and physicians widely agree that Garfield likely would have survived if treated with sterile techniques.

Death of General James A. Garfield: Twentieth President of the United States, Lithograph, Currier & Ives, 1881. (Photo by: Glasshouse Vintage/Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)
Remains of President Garfield lying in State in the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol, Washington, DC, USA, Photograph by Charles Milton Bell, 1881. (Photo by: Glasshouse Vintage/Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

Why Garfield’s Assassination Still Matters


Garfield’s death shocked the nation and triggered a long-delayed political reckoning.

Remains of President Garfield lying in state in the Capitol, Washington, 1881. 'In the Rotunda of the Capitol at Washington, on Thursday and Friday, the 22nd and 23rd September, the body of James Abram Garfield, the murdered President of the United States, lay in its opened casket, an object of mournful veneration, seen by a hundred and thirty thousand visitors before Thursday evening, when the casket was closed. The late President's lifeless form was dressed in the clothes that he wore on March 4 at the public inauguration of his Presidency in front of the Capitol. Only the face and shoulders were exposed to view. The left hand was placed across the breast, in an attitude which was habitual to him during his life. The casket or coffin was black, with silver handles, and was lined with white satin; at the upper end were two long palm-leaves, laid so as to cross each other. On the coffin lid, when closed, was a silver plate, inscribed "James Abram Garfield, born Nov. 19, 1831; died President of the United States, Sept. 19, 1881." Mrs. Garfield was the last person to look on the face of her husband, sadly wasted and disfigured as it was by above three months of terrible suffering'. Garfield was shot by Charles Julius Guiteau. From "Illustrated London News", 1881. Creator: Unknown. (Photo by The Print Collector/Heritage Images via Getty Images)

The tragedy helped galvanize support for civil service reform, culminating in the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, which established merit-based hiring for many federal jobs. The law significantly reduced the influence of patronage politics.

Approved on January 16, 1883, the Pendleton Act established a merit-based system of selecting government officials and supervising their work.

Following the assassination of President James A. Garfield by a disgruntled job seeker, Congress passed the Pendleton Act in January of 1883. The act took its name from long-time reformer Senator George Hunt Pendleton of Ohio and was signed into law by President Chester A. Arthur, who had become an ardent reformer after Garfield’s assassination.

The Pendleton Act provided that federal government jobs be awarded on the basis of merit and that government employees be selected through competitive exams. The act also made it unlawful to fire or demote for political reasons employees who were covered by the law. The law further forbade requiring employees to give political service or contributions. The Civil Service Commission was established to enforce this act.

Although President George Washington based most of his federal appointments on merit, subsequent presidents deviated from this policy. By the time Andrew Jackson was elected president in 1828, the "spoils system," in which officials rewarded political friends and supporters with government positions, was in full force.

The term "spoils system" derives from the phrase "to the victor go the spoils." The flaws and abuses in this system worsened as candidates required political appointees to spend ever more time and money on political activities. The rapid expansion of the federal bureaucracy emboldened job seekers to hound the president-elect. In Jackson’s time, there were approximately 20,000 federal employees. By 1884, there were over 130,000. Additionally, federal jobs became more specialized and required special and specific skills due to industrialization.

The Pendleton Act transformed the nature of public service. Today many well-educated and well-trained professionals are federal employees. When the Pendleton Act went into effect, its hiring reforms covered only 10 percent of the government’s 132,000 employees. The law's scope has broadened over the years, however, and today it applies to most of the 2.9 million positions in the federal government.

Garfield’s assassination also exposed how dangerous the spoils system had become. Political entitlement had produced an environment where unstable individuals believed they were owed positions of power.

Illustration of President James Garfield's Assassination
A petty annoyance' Illustration shows President Cleveland (1837-1908) walking down a path toward a building flying a banner labelled 'Non-Partisan Government', a diminutive Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice President, is tugging on Cleveland's coattails, trying to steer him down a path labelled 'Spoils System'. There is a small dog labelled 'Aquilla Jones' on a leash that goes around Cleveland's right leg and is connected to Hendricks. Jones was appointed Postmaster in Indianapolis by Hendricks. (Photo by: Photo12/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

Finally, Garfield’s death remains a cautionary tale about the evolution of modern medicine. The case is frequently cited in medical history as an example of how pre-antiseptic practices could turn survivable injuries into fatal infections.

US President James Abram Garfield in hospital after the assassination attempt on July 2, 1881, Alexander Graham Bell using his induction balance and telephone receiver to locate the bullet, United States of America, sketch by William Skinkle, engraving from L'Illustrazione Italiana, No 36, September 4, 1881.

In the end, Garfield’s assassination represents a convergence of three forces:

  • Political corruption
  • Personal delusion
  • Medical incompetence

Together, they produced one of the most tragic — and preventable — presidential deaths in American history. Garfield’s presidency lasted only 200 days, but the reforms that followed reshaped the federal government for generations.

Michael Shannon as James A. Garfield in the limited series "Death by Lighning" (2025) Photo Credit: Netflix
James Abram Garfield (1831-1881) was elected the 20th President of the United States in 1880. His inauguration is shown here. He was constantly harassed by people seeking jobs and was shot by one on July 2, 1881. He died on September 19. (Photo by: Ivy Close Images/ Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

His assassination may be forgotten by many Americans today, but its consequences continue to shape the way government works.

Created by Mike Makowsky Based on Destiny of the Republic by Candice Millard Directed by Matt Ross Starring Michael Shannon Matthew Macfadyen Betty Gilpin Shea Whigham Bradley Whitford Nick Offerman Composer Ramin Djawadi Country of origin United States Original language English No. of seasons 1 No. of episodes 4 Production Executive producers Matt Ross Mike Makowsky Bernadette Caulfield David Benioff D. B. Weiss Running time 47–66 minutes Production companies BLB Slater Hall Pictures Pixie Skye Original release Network Netflix Release November 6, 2025

Death by Lightning is available now with a subscription to Netflix

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